Hosting Installer Information Akademik – Fedorov Dormitory in Table Bay in mid-March, near Signal Hill, with Cape Town’s famous afternoon gun. After returning from Antarctica, he was still in that position at the time of publication on May 18. (Photo: Khabiso Mchabela)
By testing the conflict-prone culture of the Antarctic Treaty System, the Kremlin’s grotesque invasion of Ukraine could be the greatest challenge yet to the peace and science pact, according to polar analysts. Some have asked why Russia, whose icebreaker ran aground in Table Bay on Wednesday morning, could use its seat at next week’s treaty nations meeting. Others argue that collaboration is the key to the world’s largest and most fragile deep freeze.
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The Russian polar research vessel Akademik Fedorov docked at Duncan Dock in Cape Town under cloudy skies at 8:12 a.m. Wednesday – after plunging across the Southern Ocean for the past summer and fall, a short weather window when scientific facilities in hostile Antarctica can get by financially . Stock up for the harsh winter ahead.
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In any other year, it would be another polar logistics season at Africa’s southwesternmost port, a well-established gateway to Antarctica, including Ukraine – whose Noosphere polar ship is expected to be in Cape Town in late May after packing its supplies. Research rounds.
But this year, the 54 Antarctic Treaty States face a daunting challenge as they gather in Berlin next week for their first annual face-to-face meeting since the pandemic. Ruling Antarctica as a natural sanctuary of peace and science, the Treaty is an iconic non-violent agreement often cited as a benchmark for international cooperation. However, in February Russia, which is a signatory to the treaty, invaded the sovereign territory of Ukraine, a co-signatory that has the right to decide how to manage the world’s worst deep freeze.
Among the world’s rare diplomatic achievements, the treaty banned radioactive waste, nuclear testing, and possession of territory for more than six decades. This has helped to avoid bloodshed in a region still rich in resources – with marine diversity, oil, gas and other minerals – five times the size of Australia.
Now that the treaty body is due to meet in Berlin, with both Russia and Ukraine attending, some analysts are pointing out that the Russia issue is like blowing to the ground.
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Academician Fedorov arrives at Duncan Dock in Table Bay Harbor on the morning of May 18. (Photo: Marianne Merten)
The war is not south of 60 degrees latitude, the border of the Southern Ocean that surrounds the icebound Antarctica. But, among other diplomatic conundrums, how are treaty officials going to tackle a landmark war by a rebellious, power-crazed signatory who likes to assume Antarctica will lose?
The Putin regime had no intention of wresting Antarctica away from other consultative parties that had obtained clear decision-making rights by spending large sums of money on researching the South Pole – namely Argentina, Chile, China, Britain, Norway, South Africa, New Zealand. and Australia, as well as the US, which initiated a pact to ease Cold War tensions. But this is Putin’s Russia, which, despite the 2020 pandemic, organized a worldwide celebration of the discovery of Antarctica by its sailors in 1820 (Western narratives contradict this). Like the United States, it is also Putin’s hawk, a destructive Russia that traditionally reserves the right to take over all of Antarctica at any time.
He had no doubt that the Russian war, “an invasion by one advisory party against another,” was “the biggest challenge to the treaty in decades involving one of its most important actors – Russia,” said Patrick Flamm, an Antarctic policy researcher at Nowy. Victoria University of Wellington, Zealand.
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So the question of Russia is nothing if not incredibly embarrassing. This year alone, Putin’s February 24 invasion has managed to undermine almost every cornerstone anchoring the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), the accompanying agreements that govern the white continent.
In the bloodiest land battle since 1945, the Putin regime is now the infamous architect of a war that overshadows any other confrontation between consultative parties in the treaty’s 60-year history. His serial acts of nuclear aggression – such as threats of nuclear war and the temporary seizure of Chernobyl, the world’s largest radioactive waste repository – suggest that he may regard ATS as a mere gentlemen’s agreement.
“It is unclear whether Russia will remain a credible treaty partner in the eyes of other consultative parties in the coming months and years after violating the most basic principles of international law and acting in such an aggressive manner,” Flamm said. New academic push calls for ‘permanent ban’ on oil and gas extraction from Antarctica.
Treaty prohibits mining until at least 2048, when the law could be changed – but a new Daily Maverick investigation shows that Kremlin actors won’t stop expanding Antarctica’s oil, gas and other mineral resources after the 1998 Madrid Protocol ban power
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After all, neither the treaty secretariat nor Germany, which hosts the upcoming meeting in Berlin for a week, has yet to issue any statement about the misdeeds of the Putin regime.
It is either a sign of not playing with the icebreaker culture, which is not keeping up with the times, which does not formally recognize the deep scientific knowledge of scientists serving Ukraine’s Antarctic interests; or tacit recognition that the tensions of war did not, and should not, interfere with treaty matters.
“Antarctica is covered in war this year,” wrote Evgeny Diky, director of the Ukrainian Antarctic Science Program on his Facebook page.
At the end of March, on its maiden voyage, the new Ukrainian research vessel Noosfera will deliver 14 wintering crew members and 80 tons of cargo to the Vernadsk National Research Station in West Antarctica. However distant this conflict from the far south may seem, it will not spare Ukrainian polar explorers the cruelty of Putin’s turbulent mind.
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“Six days ago I was packing my backpack and measuring warm clothes,” Dickey noted in early March. “I had a plane ticket to Chile, where I was to board the Noosphere and lead the first Ukrainian scientific expedition to the ocean in 20 years. On February 24, I stood in a huge queue to repel the city’s assault and am quite skeptical about my chances of surviving the night.
Geophysicist and Kharkov resident Jan Bakhmat, a member of Vernadsk last winter, reported erratic seismic activity near the disputed Kuril Islands due to a nuclear attack near Japan and Russia.
“You look and think: why is the earth shaking like that?” Bakhmat told the Ukrainian news service Pravda about this. “The worst case scenario is already happening.”
Dickey said Polish explorers returning from West Antarctica this season refused to board a chartered Russian vessel, instead taking the noosphere to Drake Passage.
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In other words, Dickey ended up with his own perversity, the Poles also told the Russian ship to “go to hell.” The Polish and Ukrainian Antarctic authorities could not be commented on.
A more cautious nod to February’s “Snake Island” retort – when a Ukrainian soldier told a Russian warship to “go her own way” – Dykya’s joke, however, does not reflect standard treaty discretion. But for those who point out that the war has changed the context, a twist is in store.
“Russian actions clearly and materially weaken Ukraine’s ability to conduct operations in Antarctica and participate in ATS,” said Alan Hemmings, a professor of Antarctic governance at the University of Canterbury in New Zealand. “Given all of Russia’s lies about Ukraine, one might ask if Russia is stopping its claims about its intentions in Antarctica.
“War policy has already been well and truly brought into the ATS by Russia and Belarus,” Hemmings said, citing the latter – a signatory to the treaty – for helping with the Russian invasion. Hemmings also noted that Ukraine’s National Antarctic Science Center is located in Kiev, the capital of the country that was hit by the missiles. Currently inaccessible to the ship, the city of Odessa is the main port of the noosphere – but instead of returning to Ukraine, the ship was “preparing for a major transit” in Cape Town, where it was supposed to “acquire a second home”. Announcement on social media of the Ukrainian Antarctic Program in early May.
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Cape Town’s transport links, which rely on Ukraine, Russia and several other treaty states, include the Dronning Maud Land Air Network (Dromlan), which flies scientists and support staff to the Dronning Maud Land region of East Antarctica in the summer.
Academician Alexander Karpinsky, a Russian seismic vessel belonging to the Polar Sea Geographical Expedition, in Table Bay, August 2020. (Photo: Tiara Walters)
In New Zealand, the gateway to Antarctica, general war sanctions have already banned Russian state ships and flights – but this is no ordinary entry point for a Russian state science program. So it’s up to Pretoria to announce the closure of its ports and airports to Russian flights and ships from the start of the 2022/23 Antarctic season, advised Hemmings, co-author of the Antarctic Policy Guide.
This would curtail high-profile activities such as the completion of Vostok 2.0, Russia’s new inland station in East Antarctica. The project is partly funded by war-sanctioned oligarch Leonid Mikhelson, president of the independent gas producer Novatek with ties to Putin. According to Russian media
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